In the wake of the Supreme Court’s decision on the
Affordable Care Act, the future of the two biggest government health insurance
programs – Medicare and Medicaid – just became much more interesting.
The Affordable Care Act made significant changes to both
programs, and they will change the landscape of federally-financed health care
in the future.
Most noteworthy, it closed the Medicare prescription drug
donut hole. This is no small matter to the 3.6 million people who benefitted in
2011 alone. Altogether, they saved $2.1
billion in drug costs, an average of over $600 per person, according to the
Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS).
In addition, Medicare recipients are receiving a whole new
set of free preventive services, including annual physicals. In the first five months of 2012, CMS
reported that 14.3 million recipients received at least one free preventive
service as a result.
But these benefits didn’t
come without a cost. And even before the
passage of ACA, the Medicare Trust Fund was slowly bleeding out its reserves.
The Medicare Part D Drug Benefit program, enacted in the
early 2000s, added about $1,870 – or 15% more – to the average benefit a
Medicare beneficiary received in 2011.
In part because of this added benefit, according to the 2012
Report of the Medicare Trust Fund Trustees the Medicare Trust Fund lost $19
billion last year.
So Congress did two things to constrain Medicare costs. The first was to impose a reduction in
physician payment rates by 31% beginning in 2013. The Affordable Care Act savings assumed that
this reduction would be put into effect; however, the “doc fix” forestalled
this in 2012, as it has in every year for the last decade.
The second – approved in ACA – was to cap rate increases for
Medicare providers in the future.
The combination of these two cost saving measures is
significant. Medicare today costs about
3.7% of GDP. With the cost-saving
measures in place, its share of GDP is still expected to grow to 6% by 2040,
and to 6.7% by 2085.
This is pretty
high. Without the cost-saving measures,
however, Medicare costs rocket to an almost unsustainable 10.3% of GDP over the
next seventy-five years.
Can Medicare be fixed?
The answer is yes.
According to the Trustees’ report, it would take a Medicare tax increase
of 0.67% to individuals, and 0.67% to employers, to guarantee the future of
Medicare as we know it for the next 75 years.
In other words, for every hundred dollars in Medicare taxes we currently
pay, we would need to add 67 cents more.
Is saving Medicare
worth those 67 cents to the 80 million of us who will be insured by the program
in 2030?
ACA’s changes to the Medicaid program were even more
significant.
Medicaid is an important safety net program not just for
elders and lower income people, but for most health providers, too. Medicaid today makes 60% of all payments to
nursing homes, and 37% to community health centers, 35% to public hospitals,
26% to behavioral health providers, and 17% to hospitals overall.
ACA increased the eligibility standard for Medicaid to 133%
of poverty – approximately $30,000 in yearly income for a family of four today
– beginning in 2014. It also mandated
states to do the expansion, which would add 17 million people to the program by
2016, bringing the total number of Medicaid recipients to 52 million.
However, the court
ruled the mandatory Medicaid expansion unconstitutional, leaving it up to the
states.
“Nothing in our opinion,” Chief Justice Roberts wrote, “precludes
Congress from offering funds under the ACA to expand the availability of health
care, and requiring that states accepting such funds comply with the conditions
on their use. What Congress is not free to do is to penalize States that choose
not to participate in that new program by taking away their existing Medicaid
funding." (p. 55)
Even though the federal government will pay the entire
expansion cost for the first three years, and at least 90% of the annual cost afterwards,
Florida led the charge in opposition, arguing in its Supreme Court brief that this
expansion amounted to “coercion.”
And within two days of the ruling Florida's governor said that he wouldn't agree to the expansion because it "can't afford it."
And within two days of the ruling Florida's governor said that he wouldn't agree to the expansion because it "can't afford it."
But his position is undercut by Florida's own
analysis.
While it forecasted a 900 million dollar Medicaid price tag
because of ACA, it acknowledged that most what it was counting - $574 million –
was attributable to people who are already eligible for Medicaid under the old
pre-ACA rules, but not yet enrolled.
That cost isn’t going away despite the Court’s ruling.
So what’s left for the anti-Medicaid states? They can opt out of the expansion, but they’ll
have to give up the new funding. It makes
little fiscal sense to do so, when the federal government is offering so much
money. But stranger things have happened.
This is the fourth in
a series of five OHPM columns on the impact of the Supreme Court decision on
the Affordable Care Act. Tomorrow: The Post-ACA World: Health, Public Health,
and Mental Health Policy in the future.
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