Except for summertime humidity, the Florida and Connecticut “climates”
don’t have a lot in common.
For example, Connecticut has one of the best climates for
health and health care, while Florida’s is in the bottom half. On the other hand, Florida has one of the
best business tax climates, while Connecticut’s is near the rear.
Their political climates are also polar opposites. Florida’s governor is a Republican, and its Legislature
is overwhelmingly Republican.
Connecticut’s governor is a Democrat, and its legislature is
overwhelmingly Democratic.
And the difference in their policy climates is reflected in
the way they handled their 2011 budget crises.
Connecticut raised taxes and cut spending, while Florida just cut
spending. As a result, Connecticut’s
budget now balanced. Florida, meanwhile,
extended its crisis by another year. And
its Governor has just proposed cutting $2 billion from health services alone in
his proposed new budget.
But for two states
with so little in common, their emerging 2012 Medicaid cost containment
strategies are remarkably similar echoes of the ghost of Ebenezer Scrooge.
They both want to “decrease the surplus population” of needy
people on the program. Florida is
targeting kids; Connecticut young adults.
In Florida, Health
News Florida reported last week that nearly 800,000 Florida residents could be
forced off of Medicaid because of a new co-pay Florida has asked the
Federal Government to approve. The vast
majority would be children.
While he awaits the decision of the Feds, Florida’s
governor is also proposing massive cuts in Medicaid reimbursements to a host of
safety net hospitals. Jackson
Memorial Hospital in Miami would be cut by $133.5 million, Memorial Hospital in
Ft. Lauderdale would be cut by $58 million, Shands Hospital in Gainesville
would be cut by $52 million, Miami Children’s Hospital would lose $35 million,
and Tampa General would be slashed over $32 million.
Shands, Jackson Memorial, and Tampa General all have been
ranked among the best hospitals in the country by U.S. News and World Report. This would greatly limit poor people’s access
to them.
Meanwhile, in Connecticut CT
News Junkie reported that a “reduction in health care benefits, asset tests,
and a potential cap on enrollment” are all under consideration by the
Department overseeing its Medicaid program.
The reason is because its caseload is growing too
quickly. In 2010, Connecticut was the
first state to shift 45,000 state-only medical assistance program clients –
many young adults – to Medicaid under a provision of the Affordable Care Act. The Federal Government paid 60% of the cost
and the state saved millions. But the number
of people signing up for the program has grown to 70,000 in the last eighteen
months, erasing the savings.
So Connecticut has sent a
letter to the Federal Government asking permission to change the
eligibility requirements for the program and the benefits package.
Even though Connecticut acknowledges in the letter that the
poor economy is a reason for the unexpected growth in the program, its solution,
like Florida’s, is to deny some of its neediest people access to care.
So here’s the question that both Florida and Connecticut
must answer.
If they make these
cuts, where do they think these people will go, and who do they think is going to pay the bill?
Workhouses, a favorite of Scrooge’s? Prisons, which are already the largest mental
health providers in the country?
Or perhaps they want them to go to the hospitals from which
Connecticut took $32 million in 2011 and Florida wants to take millions more in
2012?
Of course, in both
states there are good, local alternatives to cutting and slashing, and wishing
and hoping that poor people will recover from disease and disability on their
own.
Connecticut could offer the same wellness and disease
management program to these Medicaid recipients as it offers its 50,000 state
employees. The State projects that it
will save over $100 million this way – close to what it hopes to save in Medicaid
cuts.
And Florida could stop slashing public health and prevention
– which already took a $56 million hit in 2011 – and instead increase
funding to local public health departments by 10%, giving them the flexibility
to spend the new dollars anyway they want.
A Health Affairs
article this past summer showed that this approach leads to reductions in
cancers, heart disease, and infant deaths (here’s a link to a related article and chart I created
from the data).
Wouldn’t these cost-saving options be preferable to a
Scrooge-like denial of care to desperate children and destitute young adults?
If you have questions about this column, or wish to receive an email notifying you when new Our Health Policy Matters columns are published, please email gionfriddopaul@gmail.com.
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